pH8^ 



OF THE DEMOCRACY. 



THE ISSUE BEFORE THE PEOPLE— ANOTHER OITIL 
WAR— THE PROOF FROM THEIR OWN RECORD. 



^ 



Published by tlie Union Republican Congressional Conunitteei Washington D, C 



We propose to prove by Copperhead and 
rebel authorllv — 

First. That the late rebelliou, WHICH 
WAS THE IMMEDIATE CAUSE OF 
THE PRESENT NATIONAL DEBT and 
its burden of taxation, loas inaugurated 
under and hij a DEMOCRATIC ADMIN- 
ISTRATION, and carried on by the DEMO- 
CRATIC PARTY, tinder Democratic lead- 
ers. 

Second. That the Copperhead leaders and 
ilicir rebel allies are influenced by the same 
rele7itless hostility to the principles of Repub- 
lican Liberty noic as during the rebellion, 
and are acting in concert, through the same 
treasonable agencies, to regain control of 
the Government. 

Third. That their settled policy is to AN- 
NUL all the laws of Congress inconsist- 
ent with their interests, IGNORE THE 
RECONSTRUCTED STATE GOVERN- 
MENTS, and repudiate the national debt, 
even at the expense of another CIVIL 
WAR. 

The firfct evidence we shall produce that 
the rebellion was begun under, and carried 
on by, a Democratic Administration, is the 
admission of the New York World, the lead- 
ing organ of the party. In June, 18G3, it 
thus fastens the crime upon its own party : 

" la tho dark days of ISGO wo had the imbecile and 
J'alsc-hcarled JJwjhana.nat tho head ofthoGovunimont; 
tho incompetent and perfidious Cobb ivas running the 
jiublic credit ; tlio thief, I'loyd, was tran.\fcrrinrj the 
public arms to Southern Stnles ; that thorowjh-paced ras- 
cal, Thompson, zu^s the active co-adjulor of tho bcforo- 
iiieiitioBed worthies; tho Senate was pridded ovur ly 
the traitor Breckinridge, and both Houses of Cougress 
swarmed with secessionists." 

WHERE THE REBELLION WAS HATCHED. 

The following letter from the traitor Yu- 
lee, of Florida, written while he was in the 
United States Senale drawing his pay from 
the Government, and the resolutions to 
which he refers, is still stronger proof of the j 
same facts, and shows that for a long time j 
before the Southern traitors withdrew from 
the Senate they had been coolly planning the ! 



overthrow of the Government. "1 ulce's let- 
ter is dated : 

Washington, Jan. 7, 1361. 

Mr De.\r SiK : Ou tho other side ia a copy of resolu- 
tions adopted at a consultation of (Democratic) Sena- 
tort; from tho acceding States, in which Georgia, Ala- 
bama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi, and 
Florida wcro present. Tho idea of tho meeting was 
that the States should go out at once, and provide for 
tho early organization of a Confederate goTornment. 
not later than tho 15tU of February next. This time is 
allowed to enable Louisiana and Texas to participate. 
Itseems to be tho opinion that if we all left here forced 
loans and volunteer bills might bo passed, which would 
put Mr. Lincoln in immediate condition for hostilities. 
Whereas, by remaining in our places until tho 4th of 
March, it is thought wc can keep 1 ho hands of Mr. Bu- 
chanan tied, and disable the Republicans from oftoctiDg 
any legislation which will htreugthcn the hands of the 
incoming administration. >■ + x: * 

In haste, 

Your3 trulj, D. L. YULEE. 

[As this letter fully explains the charac- 
ter of the resolutions referred to, they are 
omitted.] 

T00MB,S CONFESSES TtLVT THE DEMOCRATIC 
PARTY LEGUN THE REBELLION. 

In a speech delivered at a meeting of the 
rebels in Georgia, held at Atlanta, July 8th, 
to ratify the nomination of Seymour and 
Blair, a speech Avas delivered by ex-United 
States Senator and ex-Confederate Secretary 
of State, Robert Toombs. In this speech 
he boldly avows that the late war was begun 
by the Democr;r;y. He says: 

"General Grant tells you ho wants peace! What 
sort of peace ? Tho peace of tho tyrant of Russia when 
ho sent the poor Poles in chain.s to Siberia, and after 
having disposed of them in that manner, issued his 
proclamation that "Order reigns in Warsaw!" [Laugh- 
ter and cheers] That is tho peace that. General Grant 
wants. I Vviil tell you another fa :t which is enough for 
this time, th.^t as tus latk war was rr.ODUCED by the 

DEFEATED DEBIOCE.UIC PARTY IS 1860, WO Shall BCVer 

have peaco until it is restored iu 1868. If General Grant 
wants p:aco, lot him join tho Democratic party. — 
[Cheors.J I tay, by God, that neither despotism tior 
tyranny, nor injustice, meets with peaco iu this world 
or the next." 

NAMES OF THE TRAITORS MR. BUCHANAN KETT 
IN HIS CABINET. 

Mr. Buchanan's Secretary of War was the 
tJiief Flovd, a life-long Democrat. "VMiile 






\ 



holding that ])OFition lie had for months been 
secretly furnishing the rebels with arms, as 
proved by various official documents and 
denied by no one. He also sent the army 
to Texas, nnder the command of the traitor 
Twiggs, to be there surrendered to the rel^ols, 
as it was. 

'] he Democratic Secretary of the Navy 
nnder Buchanan was the infamous Toucet, 
of Connecticut, who, in anticipation of the 
rebellion, sent every Government vessel but 
one to the farthest quarters of the Globe 
that the Government might be left still more 
powerless. 

Coi5i{, another Democrat, was Secretary of 
the Treasury, and deliberately conspired dur- 
ing his term of office tu destroy the credit of 
the Government, in which he was wonderfully 
successful, 

Jake Thompson, afterwards Confederate 
Agent and Secretary of the Interior, who be- 
fore he abandoned his post to join the rebels 
stole a million dollars from the Trust Fund 
of the liiilian Department, was of course a 
dyed-in-the-wool Democrat. 

The President of the Senate, too, the rebel 
BiiKOKixiuDGE, teas and is a Democrat, so 
was a majority of the Senate, a plurality of 
the Jlouse, and the Suiyreme Court, all of 
whom, as well as Mr. Buchanan and his 
Cabinet, either participated in the conspiracy 
or were familiar with its existence an 1 pur- 
pose, and knew that the traitors were lyrepar- 
ing fiyr civil war. 

During the whole existence of the rebel- 
lion the Democrats in Congress had a com- 
pact and perfect organization in the interest 
of the conspirators, headed by such men as 
Long, Bright, Pendleton, Vallandigham, 
Voorhees, &c., whose influence was exerted 
to cripr)le the efforts of our soldiers and aid 
in the overthrow of the Government, even 
carrying their hatred so far as to rote against 
the bill to subsist our' troops off the rebels 
wheii destitute of bread. 

They also opposed the bill passed by Con- 
gress, February 20, 1803, /or drafting men, 
known as the Enrollment act, and bitterly 
resisted every measure to fdl the depleted 
ranks of our armies, not only by their voles 
in Congress, butby riotsand murder through- 
out the North. They resisted to the bitter 
end, too, the bill to enable President Lin- 
coln to raise and eguip colored /roop.9,though 
the rebels had for a long time employed 
them — every one of whom would have taken 
the place of a white man. 

These facts, brief as they are, establish 
beyond .Ul cavil that the rebellion was begun 
under a Democratic administration, raised 
into life by Democrats, and carried on by 
Democrats when begun. Our second prop- 
osition, that the Copperhead party and their 



rebel allies are influenced by the same re- 
lentless animosity as ever, and are acting in 
perfect harmony through the same treason- 
able agencies to regain control of the Gov- 
ernment, can be as briefly and overwhelm- 
ingly sustained by proofs drawn from the 
same source. We present this testimony, 
shov/ing the unity of thought and purpose 
between these two branches of the "Demo- 
cratic" party, in parallel columns — Copper- 
head and Rebel — side by side : 



COPPERHEAD RKCORD. 

CONGRESS MUST BE DEPOSED. 

From tht N. Y. Frecmari'i 
Journal, Sept., 1867. 
With the Nortli bo evenly 
(livitied, the South, if re- 
lieved from tho military 
<leKpoti6m,nnd freely Bpeak- 
ins according to its coasti- 
tntional ri.^hts could bring 
in all tho aid we need, and 
thus put au end to the pre- 
sent bOKUS CoDfjroBS. If 
Andrew Johnflnu was not a 
piYeows cu'dn^.sceiiig the ef- 
forts of tho Hump Congress, 
that ho himself has do- 
uounced ' as bogus, nE 

WOULD DISPERSE THE COX- 
GRBgS WHEN IT TRIES TO 
MIET AGAIN". He would .at 
once summon all the voters 
in all tho State-i to asfcmhle 
and dfct Jir.prexenfatives to 
anextraorilinnry Congress, 
and would see that not only 
Kentucky butall theSouth 
ern States complied with 
his extraordinary sum- 
mons. 

[From the Old Guard.] 

UNCOLN A TYRANT AND DA- 
VIS A PATRIOT. 

Abraham Lincoln was, 
without doubt, the most 
fatal man that ever lived 
upon the face of the earth, 
and in five brief years did 
ini re evil than the worst 
man that overlived aw'om- 
plislied in a life time. Tho 
caui^o he led was tho most 
unnatural, impious, and 
sinful tliat has e% er afllicted 
the world ; and the means 
if its accomplinhinent tho 
vilest and most dishonest 
that ever depir dcd our race. 
On the rnntrary, the real 
c luse, led by Jeff. Davis, is 
tlio noblest, most benefi- 
fcial. true, and glorious that 
ever man iiattled for on 
this earth, and the means 
employed were the roost 
I hristian and chivalrous 
ever witnessed in the works 
of history. 

[From the Nno York JUetro- 
poiitan.] 

TRAITORS TO BE MODELS FOB 
.SODTBERN V0UTH8. 

The example oi great 
men, &c., should beheld up 



REBEL RECORD. 

WAR TO THE KNirE AC1A1S.ST 
THE KEPUDLICANS. 

[From the Memphis Ava- 
lanche,Sep(.,l^T-\ 
The time, thank Ilearen, 
h.OB at last come when evern 
true man (rebel) may hold 
up hU head in the liglit of 
true reason, truth, and juir- 
tice, and oppose with oil 
the energy of a ju»t and 
righteous indignation the 
revolutionary and oppres- 
sive course of the Republi- 
cans. Tho most hopelessly 
eoiTupt and utterly aban- 
doned oiguuizatiun tlie 
world has ever known, it 
will be tho duty of every 
man to detest and malx 
war upon the American 
Jtadical, those assa.ssins of 
Liberty and enemies of 
mankind. To hat- such 
and to labor for their over- 
throw is to worship Ood. 

[Extrart from a fpfch de- 
livered at Jllemphis, in 
Feb.,lSC6, by Col, Crock- 
ett, who serTtd in tlie 
rebellion.] 

REBELS BEQGINO I'OR COPPER- 
HEAD AID. 

If the South will stand 
as a unit by Andy Johnson 
with tho t oneervative f.r 
Democratic party at tlit 
Sorth, before five years 
elapse tlio South would 
again control the Govern- 
ment. 1 have fought awinst 
tho Government hut I shall 
stand by Andy Johnson. 

[From tlie Norfolk (Va. 
Post.] 

A BETTER ALLY FOR THS 
REBELS THAN TRANCE. 

President Johnwn has 
vetoed the I reed men's Hii- 
reau bill. This is tho (great- 
est victory achieved during 
the war — greater than any 
of tho feats of arms of 
Stonewall Jackson or of 
Robt. E. Lee. They (the 
rebels) have f mind an ally 
in the /'resident worth more 
to Utem than the alliance of 
J'\anee or Erujland, and 
row they boiiu to see tho 
flnal triumph of the grent 
Soathern cause. 



for imitation of Southern 

.youth. Calhoun, A. S. 

johnnon, Stonewall Jack- 

^ son, ami Leonidas Polk, 

■^amoui tho Jead. i>. E. Lee, 

Caud Jeff. Davis, among tho 

living, ari: the nuxlels^m&r- 

tyre tor tho land they loved 

or conferrers in its cause. 

PRESrDENT LINCOLN'S OPIN- 
ION OP JOQNSON. 

Three dayshcforo he was 
murdered, President Lin- 
coln said to a party of 
fricuds, iu reference to the 
ingrato and npostato who 
is now acting Pre^i ent — 
'• Tliat Kuscrable muni I 
cannot anticipate the trou- 
ble he win cause mc during 
my second term of office." 
Mr. L. had learned his in- 
famous rliaracter thus 
early. 

MORE THREATS OF CIVIL WAR. 

[From, the jV Y. Metropol- 
itan of July, 1865.] 

The delegates from Flor- 
ida, Texas, Virginia, no 
matter from what State, 
must be admilt^d though 
they fought all thrtmgh the 
war in the Confederate 
army, or served iu a civil 
capacity under the Coufod- 
Rrate government. Thead- 
mi.ssion of such men will be 
th« tests and true tests of 
thocouveutioa. Theliemo- 
cratic delegates must insist 
that no iwAdious distinc- 
tions shall he made of so- 
called loyally or dir.lnyal'y. 
The ortliern driegates to 
tho Philailelphia (third 
jiarty) Convention must be 
instructed to vote down all 
loyal/y tests." 

THE mnB SPIRIT OF 1>EM0C- 
KAOY. 

At a Copperhead meeting 
held in Syracuse just before 
the collapse of the rebel- 
lion aiid the murder of Lin- 
coln, v/hicli was addressed 
by Vallandigh im and Fer- 
nando Wood, the following 
inscriptions were displayed 
on their banners: 

" No more victims for 
slaughter-pens — NOT A 
MAN— NOT A DOLLAR." 

'Liucolu has MUROEPv- 
ED THREE V.'IIITE MEN 
TO FREE ONE NIGGEK." 

'■Auierican soil scourged 
bv an UNCONSTITUTION- 
AL DESPOT IN ABRA- 
HAM LINCOLN." 

"FREE HALLOTS OR 
FREE r.UI.LETS— CRUSH 
THE TYRANT LINCOLN 
.before ho crushes you." 

(Booih took their advice.) 



THE REBELS THRBATEN AN- 
OTHKR CIVIL WAR — BLAIR 
AND THE PEMOCkACY STEAL 
THEIR WATCHWORD. 

Neither Mr. Blair nor 
Andrew Johnson was the 
lirst to threaten another 
civil war. They are car- 
rying out rebel orders. 
The Macon (Ga.) Telegraph 
of March, 1866, declares— 
" We prefer peaceable 
means. But these failing, 
Presideut Johnson should 
^ss^tc his prpclamation de- 
claring the Union fully re- 
stored, anrl that Southern 
memhei'S of Congress should 
enter the Capitol and take 
their seats. If ri-fused ad- 
mittance A REGIMENT 
OF !-OLDIERS SHOULD 
BE SENT TO PUT THEM 
IN THEIR SEATS." 

GENERAL GRANT ON REBEL 
EOITOKS. 

In regard to tho suppres- 
sion of the Richmond Ex- 
aminer for treason by Gen. 
Grant, Pollard, its editor, 
says : 

"I never saw Grant but 
once en the subject, and 
then /((' refused most em- 
phatically TO BE YOKE THE 
Or'eR FOR ITS.HUPPRESblO.N. 

It was evident I had notii- 

INO TO HOPE FROM HIM, for 

ho suid to me e.\i)re6sly 
that if he had theauthority 
he woidd that day suppress 
the New Vork Ncics, Cin- 
cinnati Inquirer, and Chi- 
cago 'Times, adding that 
the Co2iperhead pajters at 
the North were doing rpiilx 
as mtich harm as the rebel 
papers South. Deriving no 
satisfaction from him I ap- 
pealed to Johnson." where 
of course ho fared better. 
Traitors never found any 
favor with Grant. 

A EEBEL COMPARISON BE- 
TWEE.V THE PATRIOT AND 
MARIYR LrNCOLN AND THE 
TRAirOB DAVIS. 

The one was plcbian by 
nature, tho other a noble- 
man. !>y the power of 
numbers the one triumphed 
and tho other fell. The tri- 
umphant party is now dead. 
IIo tiUi the .grave of AN un- 
wept TYRANT, AND WILL HE 

EXECRATED the Tiihre as the 
wheels of iim,e roll on. How 
stands hia opponent. ^• 
* * History will yet 
vindicate tho truth, and 
Jeff. Davis, tlie statesman, 
scholar, and hero, vjill out 
live a hundred Lincolns! — 
Louisville Sentinel cni the 
Border. 



BRICK POMEROY S POLICY ADOPTED BY THE N. 
Y. COPPERHEAD AND REBEL CONVENTION. 

In December, 1867, the La Cross (Wis- 
cousin) Democrat, the accredited organ of 



the national Copperhead and rebel Democ- 
racy, having a circulation hxrger than any 
Other ten Copperhead papers in the Unit>n, 
thus authoritatively lays down the rule of 
action by which its party must be governed, 
an order which it is literally obeying: 

"In 1868 clubs will be formed in every town and city 
in tho Union. Let these clubs be composrd of Demo- 
crats as ready to fight as to vote. Let them be drilled 
in the manual of arms, and be as conversant with the 
science of military tactics as with Democratic princi- 
ples. Tliey may berequircd to disploi/ llii^ knowledgi, 
and i/NIGOER OR RADICAL KILIJNG should be in 
ord'Cr (us it is in Toxa^ and Mississippi) they will be US 
reedy for that business as to listen to the inaugural of 
a Douiocratic Pre.nidcnt on tho 4th of Marrh. iSSO." 

And the same paper, in a subsequent 
issue, still more distinctly declares the policy 
of ANOTHEii CIVIL WAR, as adopted by Blair 
in his letter to Broadhead, by the National 
Copjierhead and rebel Convention in its 
platform, by President Johnson in his veto 
of the Electoral College bill, and by the 
Copperhead and rebel orators and papers 
generally. " We want," it says, " men for 
President and Vice President of militar)/ 
spirit and daring, who, if elected, includ- 
ing your white men ot the South, will march 
to Washington, take their seats, a\\i[reinau- 
guratc the ivhiie viands Government in spite 
of men or devils. Jf this brings blood-shed, 
THEN LET BLOOD FLOW. Let our can- 
didates be pledged to this, and triumph is 
certain.'' 

THE COPPERHEAD AND REBEL DEMOCRACY' JUS- 
TIFY AND EXULT IN THE MURDER OF LINCOLN. 

Immediately after the assassination of 
Lincoln the national organ of the Copper- 
head and rebel Democracy, the La Cross 
Democrat, thus ofScially declared the exul- 
tation and approval of its party of the great 
crime : 

" It is but a littlo while since tlie glorious effffrt of 
John Wilkes Booth gave .frc^h hope to t/te friends of lib- 
erty, and cauouized the name of the heroic youth in tho 
hearts of all who believe that resistance to tyrants is 
obedience to God." 

At the State Democratic Convention, held 
at_ Madison, Wisconsin, in February, 1868, 
this infamous article was read by a Mr. Lit- 
tlejohn, a Democratic State Senator, who 
warmly eulogized Booth and his crime. Mr, 
Clark, another State Senator and delegate, 
enthusiastically endorsed both the La Cross 
Democrat and the speech of Litt-cjohn, 
whereupon the convention elected liiuj a 
delegate to the New York Copperhead and 
rebel Convention, thus attesting, in the 
strongest- possible manner, its approval of 
the murder. And the whole Copperhead 
and rebel Democracy of the nation coincide 
with their Wisconsin brethren. 

A SECOND REBELLION LONG FORESHADOWED. 

These solemn declarations, that if need be 
another civil war will be commenced to undo 



all that our army did daring the rebellion 
and Congress has done since, to secure to 
ihe leyal people of the country justice, lib- 
eral and equal rights, were long since fore- 
shadowed by leading rebels. In Johnson's 
rebel South Carolina Convention, held in 
pursuance of his "policy " to bring all the 
rebel States back into the Union preciRely as 
they were before they rebelled, Jas. R. Camp- 
bell, an unreconstructed rebel, declared: 

"I Ufclievo that wheu our votes aro admitted in Con- 
gress if wo are tolerably wise wo will have cur own 
way, if we are tuio to ourselves. I believe, as surely 
as wo are a people, by the bej^inning of the next Pros- 
identiaJ election * * we may hold the balance of 
power." 

But to do this they must destroy the j/resent 
Southern State goi-ernmenfa, and act under 
iJwse ilUgaUy organized by Johnson. And 
this is what the Democratic party have 
openly and treasonably threatened to do. 
ilobert Oald, late rebel Commissioner of 
Exchange, said in July, 1866, that the South 
must send nobody to the Philadelphia (third 
party) Convention who had not taken part 
in the rebellion. The South willsoon resume 
control of the country as before the ivar. 

THC P.EBEL CiCSE NOT LOST. 

At a meeting of leading rebels, headed by 
Beverly Tucker, held in New York in Au- 
gust, 1865, they declared, among other 
things : 

" We repard the lailure of the rebellion «.s hid tem- 
porary The sjnrit that orir/inatc'd still lives, and by the 
assittaiice of mu- friends in the y^»rth can be successfal in, 
cnMher toay.'' 

That ' ' other way" ' has been pointed out by 
Prank Blair, adopted by the Copperhead 
and rebel Convention which nominated Sey- 
mour, by the President, and is receiving the 
'' assistance " of the united Copperhead and 
rebel Democracy. 

But we have furnished sufficient proof 
■hat the Copperhead Democracy North 
and the rebel Democracy South are influ- 
enced by tlie same principles, governed by 
the same motives, and striving for the same 
object. In the evidence we have produced to 
sustain this proposition there is necessarily 
muoh which bears upon our third 5 which is, 
that our corrupt and wicked opponents are 
co-operating together for the overthrow of 
all the reconstruction laws of Congress, and 
dientter annihilation of all the reconstructed 
^governments of the Southern States. Bui 
v/e v/iU now proceed to furnish the official 
pi'oof of this treasonable conspiracy to inau- 

f urate another civil v,-ar on the part of the 
>emocratic leaders. 

ELAIP. PROCLAIMS ANOTHER DEMOCRATIC RE- 
BELLION. 

The deliberate and very explicit declara- 
tion of Qen. Blair, the Copperhead .''.nd rebel 



candidate for Vice President, leaves no room 
to doubt what their purpose is. It consists 
of his letter to a member of the New York 
Convention putting in his bid for the nomina- 
tion which he holds. It v/as the lowest bid 
and therefore pe<''ured his nomination. But 
the convention did not rest satisfied with 
this approval of hisrevolutionary sentiments. 
Inthisletter, nnderdate of Washington, June 
30, he thus lays down the creed and pro- 
claims the purpose of the Copperhead and 
rebel Democracy: 

"We cannot undo the Riidical plan of Rrvonstruction 
l)y Congressional action; the Senate will continue a bar 
to its repeal. Must we submit to it? How can it bo 
overthrown? It c.in only be overthrown by the author- 
ity of the Lxecutive, who is sworn to maintain the Con- 
stitution, and who will fail to do his duty if he allows 
tho Congtitution to periiih under a series of Congres- 
fiional enactments which are in palpable violation of its 
fundamental principles. 

"If the President elected by the Democracy oDfore«« 
or permits oth^^8 to enforce these Reconstruction acte, 
the Radicals, by the accession of 20 spurious Senators 
and 60 Ilepresentutives, will control both branches of 
Congress, and his administration will be as powerleea as 
tho present one of Mr. Johnson. 

"Thorois but one way to restore the Government and 
the Constitntion, and that is for the President-e.lect to de- 
clare these acts null and void, compel the army to undo 
its usurpations at the South, disperse tlie carpet-bag State 
governments, allow the white people to reorganize their 
own governments, and elect Senators and Representatives. 
The IIouso of Representatives will contain a majority 
of Democrats from the North, and tlidy will admit the 
Representatives elected by tho white people of the 
.South, and, with the co-operation of tho President, it 
will not be difficult to compel the Senate tosubmitence 
more to the obligations of the Constitution. It will not 
bo able to withstand the public judgment, if distinctly 
invoked and clearly expreesed, on this fundamental is- 
sue, and it is tho sure way to avoid all futuio strife to 
put this issue plainly to the country. 

"We must restore tho Constitution before we can re- 
store the Cnancog, and to do this wo must have aPresi- 
dent who will execute the will of tho people hy tramp- 
ling into dust the usurpations of Congress, knovm as the. 
Reconstruction acts. I wish to stand before the conven- 
tion upon this issue, but it isone whichembracesevcry- 
thing else that is of value in its large and comprehen- 
sive results. It is the one thing that includes all that is 
worth a contest, and without it there is nothiag that 
gives dignity, honor, or value to the 8tru;.rgle." 

Americans! if you want another civij war 
inaugurated, vote the Blair ticket ! He tells 
you just how he will set it going. Mark him I 

MR. Johnson's revolutionary prograaime. 

This incendiary and revolutionary letter is 
a portion of the Democratic platform, and 
upon it Mr. Seymour has squarely placed 
himself. It will be seen that ]\[r. Blair alsa 
lays down the policy which President John- 
son must pursue in case of a Democratie 
triumph. He informs him that in that event 
he must annul all the laic^ of the land ^chich 
copperhcada think uncondilutional, use the 
army to SUPPRESS THE NEW STATE 
GOVERNMENTS, put their reconstruction 
into the hands of WHITE REBELS, and 
compel the Senate by force of arms, if need 
be, to asscJit to his policy. Tlie I'resident 
has p^romptly avov.'ed his purpose to act upon 



Blair's advice, and even to commence the 
toar ill advance of the election. In his veto 
message of the Electoral College bill, trans- 
mitted to Congress July 20, he declares his 
revolutionary purpose in the following im- 
mifitakable terms : 

" The joiut rosolution undor ronsidoration, however. 
ewjns to assiimo that by tho insurrectionary acta of 
their respective inhatiitauts thoso States forleited their 
rights ae fiucli, and can never again exercise them ex- 
cept upon reaiiniifsion into the Union on the terms pre- 
scribed by Congress. If thia posiiion be correct, it fol- 
lows that they wero taken out of the Union by virtue 
of their acts of seccshion ; and hence thnt tlio war waged 
upon them was illegal and uncouplitutioual. We would 
thus be placed in this incjneistent attitude; — that while 
the war was commenced and carried on upon the dis- 
tUict ground that the Southern States, boiut; component 
parts of the Union, W' re in rebellion against the law- 
ful authority of the United States, upon its termination 
we resort to a iKilicy of reconstruction which assumes 
that it was cot in fact a rebellion, but that the war was 
waged for the conquest of territoric? a.«sumed to beout- 
eide of the constitutional Union. 

* * * * t :|: * 

" It ia worthy of remark that if the States whose in- 
habitants were recently in rebellion were legally and 
c«i8titntionally organized and restored to their rights 
prior to the 4th of March, 1-67, as I am satisfied they 
were, the only legitimate authority under which the 
election fir President and Vice President can bo held 
thereia mmtbederivetl from the governments instituted 
before that pTiod. It clearly follows that the State 
governments organized in those States, under act sf 
Congress for that purpose, as under military control, 
are HUgitimnte and of no validity whatever ; and, in 
that view, the. votes cast in those Statr^ for President and 
Vice President, in pursuance, of acts passed since the 4th 
of Harch, \S6T , and in obedience to the so-called acts of 
Congress, cannot be legally received and counted; ivhile 
the only votes in tfiosc States that can he legally cast and 
counted will be those oast in pursuance of the laws in 
force in the several States prior to the legislation by 
Congress upon the subject of rtcimstruction." 

THE COPPERHEAD LEADERS APPROVE THE WAR 
— HOW IT IS TO BE DONE. 

This is treason in its naked form, avowed 
first by the Democratic candidate for Vice 
President, then by the Democratic National 
Convention, and finally by the President of 
the United States. But it is not confined to 
these exponents of Democratic principles 
and purposes. General Wade Hampton, 
one of the most ferocious of the rebel gen- 
erals, and the man who nominated Blair on 
behalf of the South Carolina rebels, declared 
at a recent speech at a dinner of the Alumni 
of General Lee's College that the rebel cause 
will triumph in the SUCCESS OP THE 
DEMOCRATIC TICKET; and at a meet- 
ing of Baltimore rebels, on the evening of 
July 20, ho declared with equal emphasis 
that the rebel cause HAD BEEN MADE 
SAFE IN THE NOMINATION of Seymour 
and Blair. 

Every rebel in the land concurs with 
Hampton, as well as every rebel paper. 
The Charleston Mercury, which probably 
did more than any other Southern journal 
to bring about the late war, and which is 
now a stanch supporter of Seymour and 
Blair, thus shows that another war will be 



commenced if its favorites are ele<"tcd. 
Here is what it says : 

" Suppose, now, that the D<?mocratic party carries 
the uext Presidential election, and installs its Vresi- 
dent in the White Iloiise. Must they not, foithwitb, 
proceed to undo the wrong, and restore the CouHtftu- 
tion? Is thia impossible? Why is it so if The ♦lov- 
ernmeiitof the United States used the army of Iho 
United States to elevate the negro to Bupreni;>cy over 
the white man, in violation of tho Constitution. What 
is there ioprtventits being used topnil the Southern Staim 
bark to their original conditic/n, of tho supremacy of tho 
white man over the negro, in vindication of tho Ooiiati- 
tution? 

"Hut it is said that the negro State governmenta onn 
prohibit the white population from taking any Rtew) *i> 
vindicate their supn-uiaey or the supremiicy of thotfcof 
stitntion. They can call on the President of tho Unittxl 
States for assistance to enforce their unconstitutional 
rule, and the President is bound to obey undor that 
cla\iKe of the Constitution which says: 'Tho Uuitoil 
States shall, on application of tho Legislature or of th.) 
Executive, ^when tho Legislature cannot be convorfetl,) 
protect each State against domestic violence.' 

" ' Domestic violence !' Hut the white popul.ttion do 
not mean to institute ' domestic violence.'' They iutend 
to aesail no one, pretending or not pretending to »'.i- 
thority in the Southern States. They mean peacervbly 
to meet in convention, probably recommended by the 
legislators of their former legitimate State f^ovcrn- 
ments, and in such convention form a constitutioa for 
the government of these States. 

"But it may bo said that the negro governments In 
the Southern States will not permit the white poynia- 
tion to assemble. They will aesail them with violence. 
Suppose that this is done, does it afford any ground for 
their support by f lie military authority of the United 
States? Clearly not. A Democratic President wouid 
most probably answer to any application to him by the 
negro governments for assistance: 'In my opinion yoar 
government, in the first place, is unconstitutional .-Wid 
revolutionary, and therefore I decline to recognize your 
application ; and, in the second place, you violate tho 
Constitution of the United States 'n endeavoriug by 
f irce to prevent peaceable assemblies by tho people. 
Such an answer, in our judgment, would secure a peace- 
ful progress of events. 

'This can bo done by the •1th of March next. Upon 
each branch of Congress then will devolve the respon- 
sibility of determining which are the legitimalo gov- 
ernments of tho Southern States, tho negro govcniment 
or the white man's government. This determination 
can be sought and bo obtained before any contest is 
made in tho Southern States at all as to those govern- 
ments. We know how it will bo determined in Con- 
gress. The late protest by tho Democratic membnrn of 
Congress in tho Uouse of Kepresentative.s ,again.st the 
admission of the carpetbaggers from Arkansas, clearly 
indicates the course of the House of Representatives 
under Democratic control. Thewiiite men's represent- 
atives will be admitted. In the Senate it will bo dififer- 
ent; but a Democratic Kxecntivo will certainly regard, 
the action of the House of Representatives as the con. 
trolling authority to determine his duty." 

WHAT THE REBEL GENERALS WHO NOAUNATED 
SEYMOUR AND BLAIR DEMAND. 

There is still further proof, however, o{ 
the treasonable designs of the rebels Ttnd 
copperheads in the speeches of tho robol 
Governor Vance of North Carolina, tho 
rebel Governor Perry of South Carolina, the 
rebel Colonel Call of Florida, and tho rebel 
General Wade Hampton of South Carolina, 
at the late copperhead ratification meeting 
in New York. They were all in the same 
treasonable strain, and we will only quote a 
paragraph from Hampton as a specimen of 
ihe whole. It will be remembered that tho 



(!>■ 



rebel Goneral Preston, of Kojitttcky, n-im* 
auated Blair for Vice Presideat. a nd thattho 
rebel CJenerals Wado Hampton and Forrest 
made haste to t^econd his noiuvnation. In 
the course of hi.s remarks Wade Hampton 
fiaid, according to the World's report: 

" Wo can have uo r.lirf unloss tho Democratic party 
villcomo out and plodgo Uae'.t that wo shall !javo ;i 
fair elootiou ; that tho white people of the SontU shall 
vote. 1 want von all to register aB oath that wh.>n they 
(!o \ "to that their votc3 shall I>o coiiuto<l, ami ?;' ^/icre 
is a majority of v:hitc votes that you will plam ,'v;y»noi;r- 
and UUiir in the yVhiic House iit spite r,f all tki. bayo- 
v(fs that shall he brought against them." 

ukbk;, endokskmknt of seymour axu ulaik. 

The Mobile Daihj Ecgid^r raises bhe Soy- 
mour-r>lair ticket to its head with a shout of 
exultation, and quotes from both csmdidates 
to show that they are all that any reasonable 
i-ebcl could desire. Of Seymour, its editor, 
John W. Forsyth, says: 

"Upon the qiKwIions of thoday, auduion! particularly 
tho DUO wliiiii u itli tlie South i.s all ovcrihadowing, liia 
position is eutrK'^ntly pronounced to be- unmis ak bio 
iuul luiobjt'Cti.'iuJile. llohas declared emphatically his 
ftgreemeiit witli tlia decisji n of tho Suprc-mo Court 
v^iich adjudijcd tlie lleconstruction Acts of rougross 
'outsido O' tho Constitution and without valWity,' is in 
favoi- of ovcrthroviinc) the Eeconstnicti'm measures, with 
their mongrel and illegal governwe Ills in the tSouthern 
States, by promvlfjating that dccisi'm, which icould leave 
than tuithout foxindaiion in law. and without the moral 
fiupport of anv except 1 he promoters of anarchy and the 
'architects of anarchy.' " 

Concerning Frank P. Blair, this Confed- 
erate article is even more enthusiastic, say- 
ing: 

'•Of the selection of Gen. Frr.uU I'. Blair for Vice 
rresidb'^t nothing need be SMid at present. Below, we 
print a letter defining his poaitim in tho most emphatic 
lauguag — a posWiou to lohich the South can hare nopos- 
siblc ohjectimi, as it makes the overthrowing of Die lii- 
c^ngtrilctUm Acts and the restoration of the Southern 
Stales to their constitutional rights, the real and only is- 
siiein this contest." 

WUYTHiiUKBELH AKK FOR SEYMOUR AND BLAIR. 

There is the best possible reason why the 
rebels should exult over the nomination of 
Seymour. Ho used his whole influence to 

Ori OSE TIIK WAR .so FMl AS HE COULD SAVELY 

1)0 'O. He DiacouRAGEi) the drafting of 
we:,, wrote to tho President to abandon that 
policy and leave our soldiers already in the 
field to b«, sar.ri/iced, and encouraged the 
New York draft riots of July, 18Go. The 
first of that month was the darkest day of 
our Union. Grant stood before the still de- 
fiant intrenchments of Vicksburg; Banks was 
likewise obstructed by the earthworks of 
.Port Hudson. Each of these Generals, in 
the midst of a hostile region, was then prob- 
ably confronted by foes on either side nearly 
jf not quite as numerous as his own effective 
force. Our national resources and credit 
were at lowest point. On the 4th of July 
before Seymour had heard of, or would be- 
lieve, our victories at Getty.sburgand Vicks- 



burg, on that dsjfT.lre appeafed'l^efore a New 
York anti-draft mob of his " friends," and 
indulged in a sjstematic and; malignant at- 
tack upon the Government. Eaving grossly 
misrepresented and defrmed those who were 
trying to save the Union from conspirators 
in the Free States, who secretly cloaked their 
treason and did not disguise tiheir sympathy 
with the rebel oause, Giov. S'^ymour turned' 
upon the Repiublicans and thus addresiied. 
them: 

"Wc only ask that you shall givio to us that which 
you claim for yoarsclvee, and that which every free- 
nian, and tivery man who respects himself, « ill have, 
freeaom of epeoch, tho right to e.t«rdae a'l tho rights 
conferred by tho Contitittttiou upoc American C'-tiKena. 
[Great applause.] Can yau safely deny ii these? Will 
you not trample unou yciir own, rights if you refuse to 
listen? Do yo!i.uot create revolution when you say 
that your persons may bo rightfully seized, yovir prop- 
erty confisuateit your homes eatered? Are you not esa- 
2>osing yourselves, your own interests, to as grejt a peril 
as that with which ycu threaten us ? Kemember this: 
that the bloody, and t^asonable, and revolutionary doa- 
trine of public necessity can be proclaimed by a mob as 
v-ell as by a govcrnmfnt. [Applause.] * ^■■ 

'■'• \\ hen nil n accept des(joti.sm,^/ie2/ fi^ay have a cheiee- 
as to who that despot shall be. The struggle then will 
not be, shall wo have Constitutional liberty? But, 
having accepted tie doctrine that the Constitution has 
!o>t its ibrce, every instinct oj' personal ambition, every 
instinct «■/ personal security, will lead men to put them- 
selvis under the protection- of that power which they sup- 
pose most compeient to guard their persons." 

SEYMOTJR ASSURES THE MOB OF HIS EKfORTS 
TO STOP THE DRAFT. 

Having done in this way all ho could to 
encourage and justify the mob, he told the 
rioters how earnestly he desired the draft to 
be stopped, and what measures he had taken 
to secure that object. He said : 

•' Let mo assure you that 2 am your friend. [Dproar- 
iou-i cheering.] You have been my friends. [Criosof 
' 1 es. yes,' 'That's so,' 'We areand will be again.'] And 
n 'W I assure you, my fellow-citizous, that I am here to 
shovi yoM a test of my frie7idship. [Cheers.] 1 wish to 
iulorm you t\\a.t I have, sent my Adjutant General to 
Washington to confer with tlie authorities there, and 
to have this draft suspettdcd and stc/pped. [Vociferous 
cheers] * *'* * I ask you to leave all to mo now, 
and I will soo to your rights. Wait until my A''.intant, 
returns from Washington, and you ihall he sati^ied." 

The "uproarious" and '"vociferous" 
cheers, and the other garnishings of the 
mob carry their own comment. Vt'hat could 
more plainly show that they were the very 
words the rioters liked to hear I And all 
who passed througli the streets with their 
" eye.s and ears open" on that dreadful af- 
ternoon know the interpretation which v.-as 
placed on that speech. The exultant tones 
of the mob and their sympathizers as they 
exclaimed : * ' The Governor is on oztr side .'' ' 
' ' We' ve got the Governor with us ! " ' ' Hur- 
rah for Seymour!" &c., told their own story. 
The mob immediatehj tcent to worlc with re- 
newed confidence and fury. The pastime of 
negro-ldllinrj was pursued ivith the zest of 
bloodhounds. Anarchy reigned supreme. 



7 



SEYMOlMt GOMSPIRIVG WITH E?;GI^ND FOB IV- 

TERVEXT10>r. 

Nor was Govenaor Sej'iBour oontent to do 
what he could to destroy tho credit of the 
Governmeut by tach speeeiies as this, And 
to prevent 'Our deploted raiks from beiag 
'JUod np by draft. He aud Lhis friends vere 
■oni'piriji(/, hi the nieautiiE-;, to seciwe the 
'.nterreution, of England and her recognition 
nf the. Confederaci, ! The history of the 
tunes proves this. But here is posiiwetci- 
■ience of hisfcgeucy in this Jn£unous scheme. 
The English Bkie Book coi\tains a ]etter 
from Jjord Lyons, in .■'vhich tho butter giwcs 
.some details tif interviews v;ilh the Demo- 
eratic leaders at New York i:-i November. 
18f!2. He r-:SiVi lie found thejn •' exulting m 
tlie crowning success uuchieved by them in 
the election of Mr. Seymour as Governor/' 
but within a day or two they were seriously 
disheartened at the dismissal • of General 
..MeClellan, He then speaks as follows of 
the i'2al purposes of the.=« men, vfjiose chief 
representative in the naiion was Horatio 
Seymour: 

" Sevt^ral f f the leaden; of tho D'^aocraticiiorty nought 
intftrviaws with me both Iip'ofp and after the arrival of 
tho iutpjligence of Geii«ral McCIelUn'a dismissal. The 
suhject «ppormo3t in tbeir uiiiulSj while tbcy wore 
(jpeakiDgto mc, was taturallytliatof Ibroilgn mc'liatioii 
between ?th(> North and tlie Soutk Many <.f them 
must seeni to think that this mediatioo must cime at 
last: but they appeared to <)e very mu<rh aft-aid of its 
'omiug too eoon. It was evident that thi^y apprc^iend- 
.ul that a premature propO!«ai of foreit;n intervention 
■vould aftbrd tho Radical party « means of revAviny the 
lUiUntwar jsyizriY, and of thu.^ defeating the peaceful 
plans of the Conservatives. They appeared to regaivi 
tiio present moment as p culiarly Hufavorablo for such 
an offer, and indeed, to hold that it would be exsential 
to the success ot' any proposal from abroad that it 
should bo deferred until the control cf the Kxecutive 
Government should be in the hands of the Conserva- 
tive party. 

" I gave no opinion on the subject. I did not say 
whether or no I myself thought foreijrn intervention 
)>robable or advisable; but I listened with attention to 
tho accounts given me of the plans and hopes of the 
Conservative party. At the bottom /^/if/wi;;!; fptrreiccd 
a desire to put an end to the. war, even at the, risk of 
luiing the Soutlie I'll SlaUs aUogfther : hut it was plain 
that a teas not thought priidfiil to avow this desire. In- 
dued. some Mntsof it, dropped before the elections, were, 
io ill received that a strong declaration in the contrary 
Sfnse was deemed necessary ly the Democratic leaders." 

SEYMOUR A\ ORIGINUI, SEOE.SSIONl.ST. 

There may possibly be some simple-minded 
souls who believe that Seymour has the abil- 
ity and disposition to cont.rol the revolation- 
:iry and treasonable spirits who are associated 
with him. But he has neitlier the one nor 
tho other. He is heart and sonl with thetu, 
and if he even wasnothe has neitherthe cour- 
age nor lionesty to atte^jpt to resist their 
wicked career. But if there is any Demo- 
crat honest enough to liope or weak enough 
to believe any such thing, we call his atten- 
tion to the i^roof we have given of his trea- 
.sonable designs, fn other public speeches. 



'fe<;sides ■ those from which we have quoted, 
•h<i has d eclared that itwas a question wheth^ji 
" succesteful coercion" was not as revolu- 
tionary 1 ks Riicceseful secession ; and lie pro- 
nounced (hev/ar for the Union an "infamou." 
warfare."" A little later, meeting .Jnd"e 
;rharles H. Ruggles, he asked the Judge- 
'•Judge, _ have you read tho Confederate 
constitution?" " I have ; and it i.<^ better 
THJVX OURS. ' ' ''Then why not obviate the di'f- 
ificulty b)/ siimply adopting that [reliel] con- 
stitution V' Seymour said tliat the rebel 
constitution was bette<- than the National 
Constitution. He proposed to settle the 
war by having the whole North join the Con 
federaey, and adopting the rebel constitu- 
tion. 

Mr. W. H. Russell, tlie well-known cor- 
respondent of tho London Times, thro-ws 
some additional and still stronger light upoi> 
the question of Mr. Seymour's secession 
views i)i the following j)as.sage from his pub- 
lished "'Diary Nortli and South. " ' Mr. Rus- 
sell is describing a dinnerparty in New York 
in 1861: 

•The occasion offered itself to Mr. Horatio Seymour 
to give me Jiis views of the Constitution of the United 
States, and by degrees the theme spread over the table. 
* * * * There was not a man wlio m.aintained that 
the Government had .any power to coerce tho people ot 
a State or to force a State to remain in the Union or un- 
der the action of the Federal Government. * * * -^ 
Although they admitted the Southern leaders had med- 
itated the treason against the Union years ago.they could 
not bring themselves to allow their old opjionenta. tho 
Republicans, now in jrower, to dispose of tho armed 
force of tho Union against their Ijrother Democrats in 
tho Southern States. * ■* * •;■ Mr. Seymour is a 
man of compromise, but his views go further tli.^n 
those which V. ere entertained by his party two years 
ago. AUhough sccrssioH v:ould produce revolution, it was 
nevertheless, in his opinion, a right founded on ahstracl 
principles, which could scarcely be 'abrogated ivith di'e 
regard to the original compact:' 

mS DOrFT.K-DEALING 0>J TnE GREEXBACK 
QUESTION'. 

On the 2Gth of .Tune, only ten days before 
the Copperhead and rebel Convention in 
New York, he made another sjieech in tho 
Cooper Institute upon the wickedness and 
folly of the greenback-Pendleton system, in 
which he said ; 

" The amount in savings banks, iu this State alone, ia 
$140,000,000. This shows that there must bo at least 
$500,000,000 of money thus deposited in all the St.ites. 
The average of the deposits in 1867, iu tho State of Now 
York, was $270. The number ,of depositors iu the Stato 
of New York is about five hundred thousand, (487 ,47;^) 
and in thecity they number morethan one-third of tho 
population. This will make tho number of depositora 
in the Union more than one million eight hundred 
thousand. In tho Stato of Connecticut, iu lS6i">, ono- 
qu Tter of its population had dcpo.5its in savinf s banks. 
It is not usual for men of small property to insure thoir 
lives. Tliu number of policies given oiit by all the lifo 
insurance companies are about four hundrtd aud fifty 
thousand, and the amount of insurance about one thou- 
sand two hundred and fifty millions. The money in 
vested ia held as a sacred trubt, as it is afund laid aside 
for their familias when the insurers die. All of tho 
funds of savings banks and life ineurance companies 



8 



LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 



013 786 549 ft 



aro not put ia Govorumcut bonds, but thoy hold tin 
iimouut which would cripple or ruin them if the bonds 
uroDOt paid, or if thoy aro paid lu debased paper. If 
wciiUil thi< tiusla for widows iiad orphans wo Ond that 
two mHliou fivo hundred thousand persona are inter- 
0!<te«l in ODvernraout bocda, who aro not capitalists and 
who r-'"C cwmpulriory owners at present prices under the 
opcruiiona of our laws. There is a fear that this state 
of tliiuKS will nialio a clashing of interest between the 
labor of fiio East and the labor of the West. 

.t. * *»;*** * 

" if w« make our paper money good by a harsh sys- 
(om of contraction, we shall cripplo the energies of the 
country and maUo bankruptcy and ruin. If, on the 
other tiand, wo debase the currency by unwise issues, 
we thall cqnally i>erplex business and destroy sober in- 
diu3(ry, and make all prices mere matters of gambling, 
tricJw, and chances, this will end as it did in the South- 
ern Confederacy. At the outset the citizens of Kichmond 
went t<.> market with their money in their vest pockets 
and liroiight back their dinners in their baskets; in the 
end Hiey took thf>ir money in their baskets and took 
homo their dinners in their Test pockets. Make our 
money gixid tiy an honest and wise course, and when 
this is done it will be worth tweniy-five per cent, more 
thanitf.s uoWjWhich will be equal to an increase of one- 
quarter in the amount of currency." 

'WiE KKASON FOR MK. SEYMOUK's CHANGE. 

Mr. Seymour undoubtedly received some 
li;?lit upon this subject during the Copper- 
li <nd i"e.bel Convention which hastened his 
change of views. He discovered that the 
rebel element in the Convention, which was 
the mos^t numerous and powerful portion of 
il, had resolved that the public debt should 
be repudiated, and the reason why. They 
did not think it safe to make the cause for 
repudiation a part of the platform. But a 
persiett'ut rebel orator of r.Iaryland is not 
.so cautious. The Baltimore Commercial of 
July lY, gives credit to General Thomas F. 
Bowie, for thus letting us into the motives 
upon which they act: 

"If there bo any class of men I would sooner tax, it 
wouldlie those men who furnished the means to carry 
o^ tho most uuholy, wicked, and cruel war in history. 
[Applause.] I would not tax them as property, but I 
wiHild because T can rfod vjyon the face of these. bonOs a 
contribtition lo an unholy and wicl'ccd purpose." 

Seymour's ciiauacter, by a master-hand — 

A KEMARKABLli PEN'-PICTURE. 

N© one who has read the foregoing choice 
seloctions from the speeches of this prince of 
demagogues, certainl^yno one who knows the 
originol, will doubt the \/onderful fidelity to 
uafcure of the following sketch. It is per- 
fect. The sketch was drawn by a Utica cor- 
respondent of the Hartford Post, and the art- 
ist must have made Mr. Seymour almost a 
life Btudy. It is a fitting close of the slimy 
Horatio's record ; 

"Thoy call Seymour up Iioro indifferently ^Oration 
I'^et/mour,'' ■Ilinh Ikymcmr.' 'Rachel Heymour,' and ' old 
jcUyfisk.' The Seymour city residence is a lead-colored 
hricU. tiouic, with wide, double-chimneyed gables. 
Hero, when lio wishes to catch a new fish, or spring a 
coup d'etat upoi\ anybody, Seymour acts the part of Iha 
iotriguiuK liost by giving a dinner. Altacldng tho 
nian'fi belly lie foriis hini in thoconscicncoafter awhile, 
and tho MsasHination is complete. W/iena blacker con- 
spirac;j is to be. broached the conspirators hie to Doer- 
ticld, or Iiido themselves in Bagg's Hotel. The liquor 
ntorost, the railroad ring, the caniU people, aro all rcp- 
esent«d. They mako tho slate and tup tho rosy, and 



she Democratic masses of tho State never say ' Nay 
A clammy dictator of tho wills and ballots of the Dem 
ocratic party, ho has never raised his nycs from iixh 
contemplation of his own fortunes. Loi'e, children, se^ 
cicty, womcriy have Jiojoys tohim. ITis education begin 
and ceased when they put a "elate " into his hand. His 
deportment, street manners, courtesy, or whatever it 
may be called, is no implanted amiability, but only a 
part of his political restraint, conned like a lesson to 
takohim to the hea'l of the class. Ilis nature is too 
feeble to mako him eminent even in insincerity. Strone 
men goon and carry tho flag of conservatism, and make 
enemies by their earnestness, but Seymour only waiU. 
In all this time of action he is at Dcerfield wiiting a 
speech, full of sweetened lukewarmness, and when his 
bold associates have stumbled, dis.xgreed, or served his 
destiny, behold! from lis ambush our placid, philo- 
sophic statesman crones in rjatJier the sh<:avcs of other 
men. Ilis speeches aro notp.blo for their lago-like. tact 
to awaken discontent and promote public infidelity, 
while they suggest no relief, for the plain reason that 
Mr, Seymour has no opinion xohatcver. Ho is a timid 
lawyer, who gave up the profession because ho had 
neither nimble nor profound qualities to give him abid- 
ing place amoug his competitors, nor moral conrageto 
pive nerve, for the fair conficts of vnt and education 
IIo quitted tho bar as a sick man quits a jarring cham- 
ber, not from any delicacy of org ani: at ion, but from 
sheer vjant of pluek and conscious inaptitude. He is in- 
tensely se//?.5/i, very selfish, earnest for pjow.r, reckless of 
fame. lie worked like a beaver for his nomination, as 
everybody in Utica knows, and he declined it before it 
was offered to him. As a President, he will narrow and 
bclillle the destiny of the country, truckle to the chanti- 
cleer vanity of the rebel chivalry, moke our f^orthem 
character contemptible ar/ain, monumentaliio the rebel- 
lion, and carry us into (he last ditch nf dishonor. He 
will bo bully-ragged by his advisers, give Bill Tweedand 
Pete Sweeney all tho Indinn contracts, and make the 
mighty recollection of the conquering armies mightier 
by the impotence and drivel of iiis succession." 

NOW STUDY THIS PICTURE. 

To this faithless and heartless Copperhead 
local i')olitician; this promoter and represent- 
ative of disorder and anarchy, the Republi- 
can party opposes itself and presents to the 
people as its Presidential candidate a man 
not identified, until the rebellion was over- 
thrown, with old political parties and issues, 
but only with the great struggle for Union 
and Government, in which, next to Abraham 
Lincoln, he took the most conspicuous and 
honorable part. It presents the General of 
the Army, Ulysses S. Grant, who served 
throughout the war, from oaj^tain to com- 
mander-in-chief; M-ho received the sword of 
Lee ; who has commanded obedience and 
yielded subordination ; whose civic virtues 
are no less distinguished than his military 
genius ; who has no dear political dogmas 
to stand in the way of a reasonable admin- 
istration of the Government, and no jjoliti- 
cal hatreds on which to build up and encour- 
age factions after he shall have entered 
upon his term of ofiice- With steadiness 
and constancy, and vrithout violence of pas- 
sion, he has maintained the cause of the 
country, since the war as during the war, 
and to him may the people, wearied of their 
long and expensive contest, look v.-ith confi- 
dence for a wise administration of affairs 
and a successful guidance out of their dilS- 
culties and dan-rers. 



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